By Bheki Mngomezulu

On June 30, 2024, newly elected President Cyril Ramaphosa announced his Cabinet after leaving everyone guessing for some time. Among the reasons for the delay was the DA’s huge demands as its conditions for forming part of the government.

Unlike before, when the ANC won elections and assembled ministers from its own fold, this time, the situation was different because the ANC obtained only 40% of the national votes.

Consequently, more than 10 political parties came together to form the government. To many (including Ramaphosa and the ANC), what emerged was the Government of National Unity (GNU). The reality is that what was formed is a multiparty coalition.

With no outright winner, there were three options: a grand coalition of the two largest parties, a minority coalition where several parties could constitute government even if they did not make the 50-plus-one threshold, or a multiparty coalition which was what emerged.

Before the election, the DA claimed that where it leads, it governs well. After failing to win the election and agreeing to be part of the multiparty coalition, the DA promised to demonstrate how to lead well.

Once it was confirmed that the DA would get six ministerial and six deputy ministerial positions, it vowed to excel. DA leader John Steenhuisen stated: “We look forward to being part of a new era in South Africa’s democratic journey, and to bring the real and tangible change to the millions of citizens who voted for it.”

What slipped Steenhuisen’s mind was that there would be no DA ministers but ministers who would be guided by the same government agenda under Ramaphosa’s leadership. Even if they were to excel, credit would go to the government and Ramaphosa as the leader, not individual DA ministers or the DA as a party.

After lengthy negotiations that almost collapsed, six DA members were appointed into the Cabinet: Steenhuisen as Minister of Agriculture, Siviwe Gwarube as Minister of Basic Education, Solly Malatsi as Minister of Communications and Technologies, Dr Deon George as Minister of Forestry, Fisheries and the Environment, Dr Leon Schreiber as Minister of Home Affairs and Dean McPherson as Minister of Public Works and Infrastructure.

There were also six deputy ministers in ministries such as Energy and Electricity (Smantha Graham-Maré), Finance (Ashor Sarupan), Higher Education (Dr Mimmy Gondwe), Small Business Development (Jane Sithole), Water and Sanitation (Sello Setlholo) and Trade, Industry and Competition (Andrew Whitfield).

Now that the work of the government has begun, all the ministers and deputy ministers are under the spotlight. On the one hand, they have space to come up with and/or make their presence felt. On the other hand, they are part of the collective and thus cannot operate in isolation or take unilateral decisions. Importantly, where they have taken over from ANC ministers and/or deputy ministers, they must tread carefully and refrain from rocking the boat.

It is within this broader context that DA ministers are in the spotlight. Their supporters want to see them excel. Conversely, their detractors look forward to seeing them fail, so that they can ridicule them and ask: Is this what you promised the nation when you assumed these positions?

Steenhuisen has tasted the dilemma. In 2013, the auditor-general made a finding that a large part of the R500 million allocated to the Onderstepoort Biological Products project was not used and was unaccounted for. The state-owned animal vaccine manufacturing entity was founded in 2000. Its aim was to ensure easy accessibility and affordability of animal vaccines.

When the finding was made, it raised concerns and was an indictment on the then-minister of agriculture from May 2019 to June 2024, Thoko Didiza, the current Speaker of the National Assembly in the seventh administration.

Driven by the resolve or desire to shine, Steenhuisen approached the media and announced that he was going to initiate a forensic investigation to establish what happened to the funds.

There was a quick response from Didiza. In her scathing letter to Steenhuisen, she warned him against rushing to the media before getting all his facts right. Didiza argued that the matter had been resolved and referred Steenhuisen to the entity’s Annual Report to educate himself. This is a glimpse of what we will probably see more of.

Since the departure of Dr Nkosazana Dlamini Zuma who brought stability to the Department of Home Affairs, resulting in a positive audit outcome, the department has been in the media for wrong reasons. Dr Aaron Motsoaledi introduced some changes meant to revive the department, with minimal success.

When the DA’s Schreiber was appointed to the ministry, there were high expectations of him. He has started introducing changes. One of them was to extend the permits given to Zimbabweans while they renew their papers. Some started to cry foul and accused him of reversing the gains his predecessor had made. Others applauded him for his rationality and foresight. The issue of rampant corruption and inefficiency in the department is being watched carefully by many South Africans.

Gwarube has inherited a department that has its own challenges. One of them is the 30% pass in some Grade 12 subjects. She has her work cut out for her.

Another major issue is the closure of many rural schools, including in provinces like KwaZulu-Natal and the Eastern Cape, under the guise of rationalisation. The question is: Does the closure of the schools address the real problem or does it deal with the symptoms only?

The government’s focus should be on establishing why rural areas are being depopulated. Common logic dictates that rural areas have been abandoned by the government. There is poor infrastructure, lack of services, high unemployment and many other challenges. Instead of closing schools, the government should be addressing the push factors. Gwarube must address the issue as a matter of urgency.

The other DA ministers also have their work cut out for them and are under serious scrutiny.

* Prof Bheki Mngomezulu is the director of the Centre for the Advancement of Non-Racialism and Democracy at the Nelson Mandela University.

** The views expressed in this article are not necessarily the views of IOL or Independent Newspapers